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| From: Irish Political Review: Editorials |
| Date: December, 2018 |
| By: Editorial |
Centenaries And Current Politics |
This month marks the centenary of the moment when the Irish failed to become British. They did their best, but they just weren't up to it. They were shepherded into the British wars on Germany and Turkey and 50,000 of them died loyally for the cause, asking no impertinent questions about what it was. And they were cheered on by the population at home. And then, a month after the victory celebrations, they voted for Sinn Fein. They forgot for a moment in the polling booth what they were destined to become. They acted as if they were something already, and they voted to give effect to what they were. This led within the year to a war with the State for which they had been making war for four years. The British just could not understand such fickleness. Major Street, in his authoritative Administration of Ireland In 1920, was of the opinion that they just did not know what they were doing, and that they would soon return to their senses if they were treated with a firm hand. And it appears that he was right, even though the return to sanity took a little bit longer than he anticipated. What is being celebrated in this centenary year is not the anomaly of the December 1918 Election, but the Irish contribution to the great British victory of November 1918, which destroyed the German and Turkish States—a victory which was exploited by Britain in ways that produced Fascism and Nazism in the 1920s and 1930s, and "Islamic terrorism" today. No history of the 1918 Election has ever been published, and we know of no plans to commemorate it—even with an obscure ceremony in some out-of-the-way place—in 2018. One of the main developments during the past generation in the state to which that Election gave rise is that it has abolished its history. Its historians have abolished its history. It must be presumed that these historians, in doing what they have done, have given effect to the wishes of established authorities in the state. It is not conceivable that a resentful Anglo-Irishman like Roy Foster, or an Australian ignoramus like David Fitzpatrick, or a chancer like Peter Hart, could have become such influential propagators of anti-national history if there was not a consensus amongst those directing the state that it was an accidental concoction without the substance that would enable it to bear its history and develop through it, and that its history should therefore be shredded. Mary Kenny (who, like Ruth Dudley Edwards, deplores political violence and bloodshed) celebrated the militaristic Redmondite victory of November 1918 by praising a Wicklow village that had sent almost all of its militarily eligible males, including a father and son, into the British Army to kill Germans and Turks—and of course to be killed by them, but since they were not blood-sacrificers, a thing which Kenny detests, their purpose was to go killing. (See Mary Kenny, More Men From Rathnew Volunteered For WWI Than From Anywhere Else, Irish Independent, 4.11.18.) And with what object? To save the world from something dreadful? Or just to ensure that Ireland would become a Home Rule component of the Empire? Philip Off, the Ulster Unionist historian, astonished an RTE interviewer by explaining that Ulster Unionists saw the World War as an incident in the Home Rule conflict. 'Ulster' would not be subordinated to the Irish, even if the Irish were playacting at Empire Loyalty in order to get them. And 'Ulster', though greatly diminished in quantity, remains in spirit what it was back in those times, while nationalist Ireland has flip-flopped this way and that. But it is only in the intellectual sphere as shaped by British academic patronage, that the Irish have flip-flopped. Its constancy lies in its music. And music, as Schopenhauer said, is a direct expression of the will, of "identity", which is not dependent on "ideas", which made up the other part of Schopenhauer's scheme. But in the long run the will rejects ideas which are inimical to it, and generates ideas that serve it. "We are the music-makers, We are the music makers, We are the dreamers of dreams. We are the movers and shakers Of the world it seems." England lost the art of music many centuries ago, when it sacrificed everything else in itself for Power. A vestige of it survives in the making of ceremonial hymns. In the early 20th century it survived most in Edward Elgar, who had some connection with Merrie England through Roman Catholicism. But when Elgar tried to set O'Shaughnessy's Music Makers to music he could not catch the spirit of it and only produced an uninspiring hymn. There is one frank English poem about the War: "This is no case of petty right or wrong That politicians or philosophers Can judge. I hate not Germans, nor grow hot With love of Englishmen, to please the newspapers. Beside my hate for one fat patriot My hatred for the Kaiser is love true … I am one crying, God save England… … The ages made her that made us from dust: She is all we know and live by, and we trust She is good and must endure, loving her so: And as we love ourselves we hate her foe." The matter was strictly nationalist. And Edward Thomas, author of a biography of Marlborough, knew that English national well-being depended on Empire, which depended on keeping Europe disabled by war. He did not have to bother his head in puzzling "between justice and injustice", or being concerned about "something that historians/ can rake out of the ashes". All that counted was that he was English. And that was why the Irish, fed by Redmond with transcendental abstractions about war for a higher cause, failed in the moment of victory, after they had made the supreme sacrifice, and fell back on themselves a month later. * The colonial ignoramus, who has moved from Trinity College to Belfast, wrote a book about The Two Islands for the Oxford University Press, in which he explained that—"The partition of Ireland created two states embodying rival ideologies and representing two hostile peoples". Each of these states had a civil war. And— "the political alignments cemented in the two civil wars continued to dominate political debate, restricting the opportunity for social and economic reform." He does not specify what social and economic reform he had in mind (so to speak). If he meant anything definite, it can only have been the British reform during the years covered by the book: 1919-39. Europe was in flux, largely as a result of British action on it, during those years. It is true that the Free State, though remaining in the Empire, did not follow the British path of reform. The Irish reformers were the Treaty breakers. But which British reform did the Northern "state" resist? Wasn't it the case that the Unionist Party, after agreeing to operate a devolved system in the Six Counties, outside the political life of the British state, as a "supreme sacrifice" to help Britain with the handling of the rebellious Irish, insisted that it would be included within the social and economic reform of the British state? The critique of the Northern Ireland system made by this magazine over a long period appears to be known to Fitzpatrick and he attempts a refutation of it for Oxford University: "The 'Partition act' broke with precedent by applying Home Rule to Northern Ireland, instead of simply excluding six counties from Dublin jurisdiction, or creating a Belfast assembly subordinate to Dublin and thence to Westminster. Those options no longer seemed viable, having formed the basis of repeated and fruitless negotiations in 1914, 1916, not to mention the Irish Convention of 1917-18" (p185). A Six County assembly subordinate to Dublin was certainly not viable. But when had a simple exclusion of the Six Counties, from whatever arrangement was made for the 26 Counties, ever become a subject of dispute? When did the Ulster Unionists ever object to being governed by British politics after they were excluded from a Government of Ireland Act? The Ulster Protestants had participated in British party-politics until the Home Rule Bill was introduced in 1886. In 1886 the Ulster Liberals and Tories merged their forces as Unionists in order to oppose Home Rule. They did so in alliance with the Tory Party. If it was the Tory Party that had made the Home Rule alliance with Parnell, as seemed likely for a while, they would have done so in alliance with the Liberals. The natural thing, when the issue was resolved for them by Partition, would have been a reversion to the pre-1886 position of being Tories and Liberals within British politics—but with the Labour Party having displaced the Liberals. When the Government in 1920 proposed to set up a subordinate Six County Government, the Ulster Unionist Leader spoke against it. Did the Nationalist Party demand it? Did the Six County Catholics demand that, if they were to be excluded from the Irish Government, they should be placed under the local Protestant/Unionist community, instead of having the opportunities of Whitehall Government and British Party politics open to them? We have never come across the slightest hint that the Six County Catholics demanded an enclave governed by Six County Protestants—by what they called "the Orange state" once it was established—rather than by Whitehall. So what grounds has Professor Fitzpatrick for saying that a simple Six County exclusion from the Government of Ireland Bill "was no longer viable" in 1920? None at all. The establishment of Northern Ireland was an Imperial ploy for the handling of the nationalist Irish which the Ulster Unionists were persuaded to swallow in the interest of the Empire. By swallowing it they detached themselves from British political life, and therefore, when British attention focussed on them in recent years, it could only regard them as a bizarre nuisance. We attempted, thirty years ago, to persuade them to force their way into British mainstream politics, so that the Six Counties might be governed within the democracy of the state. But they had become addicted to the system that had been imposed on them against their will in 1921 and would hear of nothing else, even though their position within that system of devolved communal antagonism was being eroded steadily by the purposeful activity of the other community. With regard to whatever happens now we can only say, with Moliere: "Vous l'avez voulu, George Dandin. They asked for it, not knowing what they were asking for. The force that is cornering them just now is not the force of Irish nationalism. Official Ireland is preoccupied with celebrating "the crime against Europe" (Casement's phrase) in which, as Redmondism, it took part a century ago—or, as Connolly put it, "the war upon the German nation". The hostile force is behind Dublin. It is Europe. The founders of what became the EU were acutely aware of the damage Britain did to Europe with its "balance-of-power" wars and they wanted to stop it. Europe pulled itself together in the 1950s, very much against British expectations. Britain tried to join the Common Market in the 1960s in order to retard its development, but the founders, who were still in command, kept it out. It gained entry in the 1970s and did some damage, but European development continued despite it. It decided to leave in order to avoid being degraded into a mere European state, and hoped that, in the course of leaving, it could set off a process of disintegration within the EU. But the EU has held together against it so far, and it is hard to resist the impression that the spirit of its founders are motivating it in its insistence that Britain, in leaving, must leave Northern Ireland behind it as part of Ireland. Index: 2018 Labour Comment is edited by Pat Maloney January Britain Back To Playing Balance Of Power In Europe!. Editorial Boomtime Bob: caught in his own rat trap. Dave Alvey Central Bank undermining IFSC Brexit efforts ? 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Intelligence Officer Street produced this exceptionally informative justification of the Black and Tan War in Ireland, using the secret archives of Dublin Castle (with many captured IRA documents and officials statistics of incidents.) 192pp (9.5" x 6"). Index, Bibliog. ISBN 0 85034 089 6. AB, 2001. €18, £15 |